Principles Regarding a Possible Impeachment of an American President

NOTE: The object next expresses a views of a sold named as a author and does not indispensably simulate a position of a WRF as a whole.

SPECIAL NOTE: It is singular that a WRF posts blogs about subjects on that there is clever feud among a members.  On occasion, we do post such blogs. For example, on Dec 16, 2017, we did post – right on this website – a blog traffic with a preference of a U.S. supervision to commend Jerusalem as a collateral of Israel. But we attempted to make certain that a emanate was dealt with sincerely – in that case, we sought to accomplish this by carrying dual opposite perspectives presented, that of an Israeli WRF member and that of a Palestinian WRF member. That blog might be seen here –

We posted that blog since we believed that we best served a members – and a tellurian church – by display that a Bible and Reformed theological beliefs are directly applicable to a many argumentative and formidable issues Christians face.

It is in this suggestion that we now post both this blog about a probable impeachment of an American President and another blog about Brexit.

These blogs were created by WRF members who have special perspectives on a matters being discussed and a blogs themselves have been delicately reviewed by countless members of a WRF leadership.  We trust that a blogs do not “take sides” though instead yield biblical beliefs that we trust are applicable to a matters being discussed. 

In this blog, we titillate a readers to compensate special courtesy to a 4 specific questions a author proposes as we demeanour during a stream impeachment discussion. Those questions, taken together with a sum declare of Scripture, might be of assistance to a members who contingency understanding with these kinds of issues, no matter that side of a benefaction impeachment contention they take.

 Some Thoughts About a Possibility of a Impeachment of An American President

WRF Member Leah Farish, JD

As an profession we worked on a Paula Jones case, that resulted in a impeachment of President Bill Clinton.

In 1994, Paula Jones filed a explain observant that Pres. Bill Clinton had intimately tormented her while she worked for a State of Arkansas where he was governor, opposite that he shielded especially by observant she couldn’t sue him while he was boss for something he had finished before holding presidential office. In giving his sworn deposition about Paula Jones, Mr. Clinton was asked about a some-more new attribute he had had with a White House intern, Monica Lewinsky. He lied about that relationship.

The Rutherford Institute eventually represented her, and like many Christians of that time, we was primarily annoyed that a Christian conduct of a Rutherford Institute, John Whitehead, would take a case. we felt it was indecorous and unpleasant to asperse a bureau of any boss with a unworthy accusations Jones was making.

Because we was an area deputy for Rutherford during a time, we talked to domicile about this. They reminded me that a Rutherford Institute was named after a Scottish preacher, Samuel Rutherford, who was a member of a Westminster Assembly and who in 1644 published Lex, Rex (The Law and a King), arguing that even a aristocrat was not above a law and God. we became some-more and some-more assured that this egalitarian burden was a emanate in a Paula Jones case. we began to support them in their efforts. (The President after certified he had lied underneath promise about passionate nuisance of Monica Lewinsky. He had also organised to have his Oval Office secretary censor justification of a nuisance in her home. He was dangling from practicing law in Arkansas, impeached though not private from office, and he paid $850,000 to settle a Jones case.)

As a press coverage grew, support from a Institute’s regressive Christian (mostly Republican) donors shrank. Far from being a fight of such folks opposite a Democrat president, a box by a Rutherford Institute alienated a supporters, who like me had no personal animus opposite a President and had scruples about disrespecting his office.

But we attorneys felt irreproachable when a U.S. Supreme Court quoted a District Court in observant that “even a emperor is theme to God and a law.” And we were appreciative when Rep. Henry Hyde argued in shutting a impeachment hearings thus:

Now a order of law is one of a good achievements of a civilization, for a choice is a order of tender power. We here currently are a heirs of 3,000 years of story in that amiability slowly, painfully, during good cost developed a form of politics in that law, not beast force, is a judge of a open destinies. 

We are a heirs of a Ten Commandments and a Mosaic Law, a dignified formula for a giveaway people…. 

We can't have one law for a ruler and another law for a ruled.

Unlike a troubled Americans who incited divided from a mostly nauseous proceedings, we looked during a justification and a authorised beliefs involved. Some of a things we deliberate are value gripping in mind as we demeanour during a stream impeachment fracas.

First, is a justification convincing and clear? I found a women who were accusing Clinton to be unequivocally credible. They were literally jolt in their boots during opposed such a absolute man, though they spoke with such specificity and fairness that they assured me. The justification preceded a involvement—we didn’t go on a fishing speed for it.

Second, are a actions purported unequivocally critical adequate to be deliberate “high crimes and misdemeanors?” In a context of a 1990’s when Democrats in sold were sensitizing us all about what passionate nuisance was, Sen. Robert Packwood (R Oregon) had usually quiescent in flaw for indiscretions of a form Clinton was indicted of. Today, mostly since Clinton brazened it out, Americans don’t perspective extramarital dalliances by a politicians so seriously. But abuse of his energy as administrator vis-à-vis Paula Jones, carrying an event with his immature White House intern, and fibbing about all of it were all acts that done him non-professional for bureau in a eyes of those perplexing to cite him.

I remember a difference of Representative Hyde, facing a offer that a House merely condemnation a President: “A fortitude of censure, to meant anything, contingency retaliate if usually to taint his reputation. But we have no management underneath a Constitution to retaliate a president. It’s called subdivision of powers.”

Third, are a procedures Constitutional, fair, and transparent? I saw them adult tighten in a Paula Jones case. Special warn Ken Starr, a committed Christian, was routine and intensely stirring in presenting all he found to a public. Chief Justice Rehnquist, a regressive jurist who presided in a unequivocally calm approach over a Senate impeachment hearing, epitomised his ancestral place in a record thus: “I did zero in particular, and we did it unequivocally well.”

Fourth, are those behind a impeachment bid encouraged by narrow-minded motives? By personal vitriol? During a whole of a lawsuit and impeachment process, we never listened anyone who had shortcoming in a work demonstrate a smallest disregard for President Clinton. There was no profanity, no nasty nicknames for a opposition, no jockeying for position. After a final conference in a box in a Eighth Circuit, we was station inside a building beside a immature male who had argued opposite a President (successfully). We were kindly watchful for a other side to finish articulate to a press before going outward so that we wouldn’t emanate a distraction.

I asked a counsel what he was going to do after this useful day, and he pronounced something like, “I’m going to go home to my mother since I’ve been operative night and day for dual weeks.” After a moment, he said, “I’m usually gonna conduct out a side door.” And with that, he left behind a timberland of satellite dishes and throngs of TV anchors.

I inspire anyone watching today’s impeachment efforts to prayerfully request these criteria in determining where one’s sympathies should lie.

I note that usually before Romans 13, a smashing thoroughfare on conceivable government, comes Romans 12, that says in part, “Do not consider of yourself some-more rarely than we ought, though rather consider of yourself with solemn judgment, in suitability with a faith God has distributed to any of you…. Hate what is evil; adhere to what is good…. Do not repay anyone immorality for evil. Be clever to do what is right in a eyes of everyone. If it is possible, as distant as it depends on you, live during assent with everyone. Do not take revenge, my dear friends, though leave room for God’s wrath, for it is written: “It is cave to avenge; we will repay,” says a Lord. On a contrary: “If your rivalry is hungry, feed him; if he is thirsty, give him something to drink. In doing this, we will store blazing coals on his head.”

Do not be overcome by evil, though overcome immorality with good.

I mostly contemplate because these verses lead into Romans 13, where Caesar is concurred as scrupulously temperament a sword, to prerogative good and better evil. The dual chapters offer us useful superintendence in examining a possess hearts as good as a American domestic scene.


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